Suchergebnisse

This book provides an overview of the National Dialogue design process in fragile settings at the national, regional, and international levels in the MENA region. It provides a comparative analysis at the international level by examining the Yemeni NDC 2013 with those of Afghanistan and Ethiopia, and at the regional level, focusing on Iraq and Tunisia. It also goes beyond the traditional exploration of political and social conflicts by adding a rich theoretical layer of analysis of Humanitarian Aid and its contribution to war economies in the Arab region. Finally, it examines the news frames used in the coverage of the conflicts in the Middle East and North Africa and takes one step further to integrate a media lens by analysing the extent of the media coverage devoted to the Yemeni and Syrian wars by four prestigious European online news platforms. This incisive book presents a radical contrast between the on-ground reality of the conflicts in the region, distinguished by various social, political, economic, geographic, and humanitarian challenges, and its discordant abstract portrayal in European online media

This article examines reasons for the ineffectiveness of foreign aid interventions in developing countries, using the examples of Yemen, Egypt and Jordan. It starts with a review of two contradictory theories used to explain foreign aid ineffectiveness: the public interest perspective (PIP) and the public choice perspective (PCP). On the basis of the PCP, this article shows that deficiencies are locked within a vicious circle of a poor policy and institutional environments in developing countries and donors' self-interest. The article ends by proposing a third explanation of foreign aid ineffectiveness that goes beyond the scope of the PCP.

This book explores the multifaceted dynamics between state and non-state actors in public policy during and after conflict in the Middle East and Africa. It offers case studies and policy-relevant ideas for conflict-affected areas to move forward in a more sustainable manner.

Chapter 1. Introduction -- Part I – War, Expanding Chaos & Failed State-Building Across the Middle East -- Chapter 2. Afghanistan since 2001: US Geostrategic Ambitions, a Failed State, and the Return of the Taliban -- Chapter 3. Iraq 2003-2007, Geopolitics of an Imperial Democratization -- Chapter 4. Rebel Governance of Oil: The Case of the Houthis in Yemen -- Chapter 5. Wars on Terror in Arab Oil Lands, Russian Interventions, and Chinese Energy Policies: The Case of Northern Iraq and Syria -- Part II – Indirect Consequences of the War on Terror and Legacy -- Chapter 6. Political Instabilities and large-scale migrations in the MENA region: Libyan, Syrian, and Yemeni cases in regional perspective -- Chapter 7. Overcoming Jihadism in Arabia: Tight Counter-Terrorism Policies in the Gulf Monarchies -- Chapter 8. Trump and Netanyahu's Failed Palestine Sell-out: 'A hate plan, not a peace plan' -- Chapter 9. Natural Gas and Regional Energy Dis-integration in the Middle East -- Chapter 10. Conclusions. .

1. Introduction -- 2. The Role of Sazman-e- Honari Rosanai Oax (Owj) during the "Maximum Pressure" Campaign against Iran -- 3. Seeing Like a State: The Crisis of Building the State of South Sudan -- 4. Policing coexistence through economic incentives: an analysis of Nir Barkat's policies on education in East Jerusalem during his tenure as mayor (2009-2018) -- 5. An exploration of the dimensions of exclusion associated with intimate violence among Syrian refugees in Lebanon, etc.

Intro -- Contents -- Notes on Contributors -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- 1 Introduction -- Looking Forward: The Challenge of Building Sustainable Peace -- References -- Part I Policy Challenges Amidst Arab Spring Revolutions and Civil Wars -- 2 The Role of Sazman-e-Honari Rosanai Oax (Owj) During the "Maximum Pressure" Campaign Against Iran -- Militainment and Symbolic Power in Digital Times -- Iranian Militainment and the Formation of Sazman-e-Honari Rosanai (Owj) -- The Role of Sazman-e-Honari Rosanai During Maximum Pressure Campaign -- References -- 3 Seeing Like a State: The Crisis of Building the State of South Sudan -- Building States in Post-Conflict Settings: Theory and History -- Outbreak of Civil War: An Ethnic Divide and Humanitarian Catastrophe -- Short- and Long-Term Conflict Resolution -- References -- 4 Policing Coexistence Through Economic Incentives: An Analysis of Nir Barkat's Policies on Education in East Jerusalem During His Tenure as Mayor (2009-2018) -- Theoretical-Methodological Strategy: Grounded Theory and Content Analysis -- Politics of Politicians and Professionals: The Entrepreneur as a Shepherd -- Open Jerusalem: Nir Barkat's Political Rationality -- Precarious Life and the Non-choice of Proximity -- Pedagogy for an Open Jerusalem: Promoting the Bagrut in East Jerusalem -- A Unified City, a Community of Entrepreneurs -- References -- 5 An Exploration of the Dimensions of Exclusion Associated with Intimate Violence Among Syrian Refugees in Lebanon -- Key Terms and Methodology -- Conceptual Framework-Exclusion and Domestic/Intimate Partner Violence in Refugee Settings -- Interrelating Exclusion in Refugee Settings and DV/IPV -- Dimensions of Social Exclusion Associated with DV/IPV -- Policies of Exclusion -- Community Exclusion -- Impact of COVID-19 on DV/IPV -- Discussion and Conclusion -- References.

Although humanitarian aid (HA) is desperately needed in Yemen to cope with the worst humanitarian crisis in the world, few studies have analyzed the effect of these grants. This article provides such an analysis using 34 interviews of NGO directors and staff members in Yemen. The interviews were conducted in an open format, to enable interviewees to express all their ideas on the HA situation in Yemen, not just ones that solely fit into the frame and questions of this study. Our empirical analysis indicates that the ability of local NGOs to use and deliver supplies to those suffering is severely constrained. This is mainly due to looting by conflicting factions, corruption, and the absence of the international deterrent that obliges the conflicting parties to preserve human rights. Furthermore, this study indicates that HA is being used as a weapon of war for power and financial gain, and thus is a contributing factor in the continuation of the conflict. This means it is important that international donors explore alternative solutions to effectively deliver and distribute HA in fragile states.

AbstractHumanitarian aid (HA) is needed in Yemen to cope with the worst humanitarian crisis in the world. However, current practices of distributing aid in the form of food have not had the desired effect; conflict has continued, and war economies are thriving as a result. Thus, this paper proposes the idea of cash assistance as an alternative form of HA. Our empirical analysis of HA in Yemen shows that cash assistance is a more effective and efficient way of distributing aid in comparison to food aid. This is due to food aid being vulnerable to looting by the conflicting factions, enabling funds to be inadvertently captured into the highly problematic war economy dynamic. In comparison, cash assistance targets a wider scope of peoples' necessities, in a more efficient and effective delivery approach that can be easily tracked by the donors. Cash aid can either be unrestricted, restricted, or conditional. The former allows cash transfer, the second enables vulnerable people to purchase items depending on their needs with vouchers, and the latter links the money distributed with performing a certain task. This allows communities to improve and develop, and it enables individuals to build up their skill sets and have a source of income. This is particularly important for NGOs who are unable to provide the conditions needed to bear their success. The Yemeni people have lost trust in the warring factions, as well as local and international NGOs, due to the lack of effectiveness of current methods of HA distributions due to looting and the risks associated with reaching vulnerable people. Therefore, it has become imperative to restore donor direct HA delivery by providing cash aid as a superior means of food aid in Yemen, to ensure the effectiveness of HA and to improve the lives of those who are suffering, in the long term (This article builds on previous scholarship; see Elayah, M., & Fenttiman, M. (2021). Humanitarian Aid and War Economies: The Case of Yemen. The Economics of Peace and Security Journal, 16(1). This article provides a nuanced and high-quality examination of the conduct of armed groups in Yemen. The analysis of HA in this article "supports the view that it is a significant source of funding for armed groups and consequently that it plays a huge part in allowing the war economy in Yemen to thrive". Warring groups are often looting HA to distribute it based on partisanship and to sell it on the black market to finance the war effort. They have also attempted to block HA to try and gain control over the humanitarian campaign and receive a cut of the billions of dollars given in foreign assistance. In many cases, HA is distributed through local NGOs that were established by the groups to attract international funds. Others were pre-politicized NGOs that channeled funds to specific regions or particular groups for political and military advantage. It is clear from our analysis that the ability of NGOs to use HA effectively and deliver it to those who deserve it is very limited. NGO's actions can end up expanding the war economy rather than reducing the effects of war on the poor. Distrust in international bodies and in local and international NGOs has become extremely high among those affected by the war" (Elayah, M., & Fenttiman, M. (2021: p 59)).

AbstractThis article examines the bridging role non‐governmental organizations (NGOs) can play between a divided public administration in a conflict‐ridden country. Based on interviews with various stakeholders in Yemen, we argue that NGO might need to mediate between conflicting authorities to effectively carry out their activities. By doing so, they serve as a bridge that could help maintain relations between the two fragmented administrations and possibly facilitate the process of post‐conflict state building. While not all NGOs are capable or required to fulfill this role, we identify four enabling factors: (1) the readiness of stakeholders to engage; (2) public support for the NGO; and (3) NGOs' adequate capacity; and (4) the donor's support.

The collapse of public services in Yemen due to a protracted crisis raging since 2015 has compelled some local citizen-based coalitions to initiate community-based service delivery. This preliminary study identifies Community-Based Initiatives (CBIs) as non-state actors supplying basic services ordinarily provided by governmental institutions. It offers an overview of Yemen's humanitarian crisis while focusing on public services provision pre- and mid-conflict and highlights the role of CBIs as a response to its breakdown within a severely fragile context. As this work considers CBI a societal constituent and not simply a temporary phenomenon, it discusses the general trends of Civil Society. This article fills the gap in the literature and compares the Western perspective and application of CBIs in Yemen aiming at developing a more specific and contextual conception. The analysis lays the foundation for much needed future studies on the role of informal organizations in service provision in developing countries of the Global South.